American Politics Research and Writing
In the aftermath of the November elections, progressives should stop asking themselves what went wrong and focus on where to go from here.
Amitai Etzioni’s communitarian perspective offers a comprehensive approach to international affairs in addition to offering guidance for domestic policy. His argument that a focus on traditional “realist” concerns for a nation’s security and interests (“security first”), combined with a dialogue over competing moral imperatives, is more likely to lead to the emergence of an idealist end state--a sustainable international community. His emphasis on gradualism--of breaking apart complex policy goals into small, discrete steps--comes from his assessment that this is a better way of promoting lasting change in the international system. His perspective does not fit neatly into any of the dominant U.S. foreign policy approaches, but his ideas have formed part of the foreign policy debate for the last fifty years.
Full article here.
Professor Amitai Etzioni recently published an article outlining his liberal communitarian approach to balancing press freedom with national security, and criticising the publication of Edward Snowden’s NSA revelations. In this short interview, Dr. Simon Dawes asks him to outline his concept of communitarianism, his communitarian approach to values such as press freedom, privacy and national security, as well as his criticisms of the Snowden affair.
This article asks which normative framework should be applied in determining whether privacy is unduly diminished in the American quest for enhanced protection against terrorist attacks; which specific criteria should be employed in determining whether the balance has tilted too far toward enhancing security or protecting privacy; and which measures can be taken to reduce the inevitable conflict between security and privacy. It also seeks to show that enhanced transparency is inferior to enhanced accountability, although there is some room for adding more of both kinds of scrutiny.
Possible solutions to the world’s energy, food, environmental, and other problems are far more likely to be found in nearby oceans than in distant space.
As Syria descends into civil war, the international community again finds itself debating intervention: an idea that is at odds with the Westphalian norm of sovereignty. While the United States and Europe have shown themselves willing to intervene with force to prevent humanitarian crises and nuclear proliferation, China has largely opposed such measures. Can China be convinced to support the West’s proposed changes to the world order, or will it cling to the traditional Westphalian norm?
Students applying for admission to colleges in the United States are typically asked to identify their races. The lists of options students are offered to choose from pose two problems. The first problem is faced by students who do not wish to be racially defined, and prefer to simply present themselves as Americans. The other problem is for Hispanics, the most rapidly growing part of the population. Some Hispanics see themselves as black, some as white, and most as neither.
The claim that large waves of "nonwhite" immigration will have a significant effect on the American creed, identity, and society is not without foundation. Immigration waves have continually change American society since its earliest days. However, these immigrants have made their mark not by undoing the established creed, thus leaving a normative vacuum and sowing societal dissent, but by recasting the framework that hold the United States together and often making it the better for it.
“On Virtual, Democratic Communities.” Community in the Digital Age, Andrew Feenberg and Darin Barney, editors. (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2004, USA) pp. 225-238.
Most, if not all, of the participants in this Symposium agree with several basic points set forth in the essay that occasioned this volume: (1) children have fewer free-speech rights than adults, (2) children need to be protected from exposure to violent and vile material, and (3) such protection should be age-graded.
“Assimilation to the American Creed.” Reinventing the Melting Pot: The New Immigrants and What it Means to be American, Tamar Jacoby, ed. (Basic Books, 2004, New York) pp. 211-220.
When freedom of speech comes into conflict with the protection of children, how should this conflict be resolved? What principles should guide such deliberations? Can one rely on parents and educators (and more generally on voluntary means) to protect children from harmful cultural materials (such as Internet pornography and violent movies) or is government intervention necessary?
“How Liberty is Lost.” Symposium: Fallacies in Democracy Society Vol. 40, No. 5 (July/August 2003) 44-51.
This paper asks whether communities and democracy can thrive in the new world, in cyberspace? This requires a two step examination. First, can there be virtual communities? Second, can these--and other (including offline) communities--govern themselves in a democratic way by drawing on new developments in cyberspace?
281. "The Monochrome Society." Policy Review. No. 105 (February & March 2001), 53-70.
Various demographers and other social scientists have been predicting for years that the end of the white majority in the United States is near, and that there will be a majority of minorities. CNN broadcast a special program on the forthcoming majority of people of color in America.(1) President Clinton called attention to this shift in an address at the U.C. San Diego campus on a renewed national dialogue about race relations.(2)
Various demographers and other social scientists have been predicting for years that the end of the white majority in the United States is near, and that there will be a majority of minorities. CNN has broadcasted a special program on the subject;(2)President Clinton has called attention to it in national dialogue about race relations;(3) and numerous books and articles in recent years have addressed America's changing demography from vastly different--and frequently antagonistic--perspectives.
Despite the fact that privacy is not so much as mentioned in the Constitution, and that it was only shoehorned in some 34 years ago, it is viewed by most Americans as a profound, inalienable right.
In 1989, while I was a visiting professor at the Harvard Business School teaching ethics, I came across a finding in the library that symbolized for me the problem people have today in
Gradually, and to some extent inadvertently, the United States has been developing a new role in the post cold war world.
OUR CULTURE looks at new-born children through rose-tinted glasses. "They're so cute," everyone coos. Yet looked at objectively their behaviour is rather like that of animals: they take in food, expel waste and shriek. More importantly, they command no inborn moral or social values, and they do not develop such virtues on their own. These facts are the historical reason why families - nuclear and extended - were entrusted with civilising these little creatures.
Just how incorrigible is human nature, and what lessons on public policy follow once we come to terms with the sobering answer to this age old question?
It is no accident that the issue of gun sweeps in Chicago’s public housing recently caught the attention of the president of the United States and the national press. The question of the legitimacy of those sweeps has profound implications for the future of civility in American society.
A State Department official ordered this anecdote in a briefing to an American sociologist on his way to Europe to explore interest in communitarian ideas there.
Should schools be in the character-formation business? The heated debate on this issue is largely theoretical in the worse sense of the term. Whether educators are aware of it or not, schools do shape the development of their students’ characters, for better or for worse. Schools that follow a policy of automatic promotion - for example, allowing students who are disruptive, truant, or failing, to advance from grade to grade and ultimately to graduate - send a strong message to students that misconduct carries no undesirable consequences. As this message is repeated year after year, throughout one’s school career, it has clear characterological effects.
A funny thing happened on the way to welfare reform: Both political parties are fashioning a new entitlement, billed as an education training period, that will extend dependency on the dole. It may not seem surprising that the Democrats are moving toward granting generous new benefits, but it’s disheartening to see Republicans leading the way.
Young children cannot tell right from wrong. If you scold a 3-year-old for lying, he may not have the foggiest notion why you are distressed. A new report by the American Bar Association’s Committee on Ethics and Professional Responsibility is written as if a significant number of lawyers had failed to progress beyond this infantile state.
Even inveterate optimists cannot miss the awful signs of social decline in America...
While Washington sweats out the crime bill, communities from coast to coast are experimenting successfully with various antiviolence measures.
How does one transform society? The present attempt by President Clinton to reform the health-care system illustrates both the short-term opportunities and the long-term challenges.
Nobody calls it “group searches,” not to mention “the search and seizure of the innocents,” although both terms would capture an important trend in our courts’ interpretations of the Fourth Amendment. In fact, many observers still cite what is held to be the prevailing interpretation of the Fourth Amendment: that no one is subject to search and seizure unless there is “probable cause” that the particular person has committed a crime, is committing one or appears predisposed to commit one (say, carries a bomb).
THE TROUBLE with the recent debate about parental responsibility is that both sides (or more) have a point. Conservatives are right that many families have been neglecting their children, that parents must assume more responsibility for their children, and that they should be sent strong signals that this is their duty.
"It is easier in these United States to walk away from a marriage than from a commitment to purchase a used car," says Professor Thomas Morgan of the George Washington University School of Law.
The Founding Fathers did not bother to write down a bill of particulars for our social responsibilities to match the Bill of Rights. In the days of closely knit communities and religiously committed individuals, one’s responsibilities were all too clear, it was rights that needed enshrining. However, as public opinion polls keep reminding us, it seems we have come full circle: Rights are now taken for granted while responsibilities are shirked.
Special interests are threatened by President Clinton’s attempt to curb the flood of private funds into political campaign chests.
President Bill Clinton often speaks in communitarian terms: “If we have no sense of community, the American dream will continue to wither.” Likewise, Vice President Al Gore has echoed a communitarian theme: “While we give supreme value to the rights of the individual, we expect that freedom to be exercised with respect toward others and with decent restraint.” And Hillary Rodham Clinton believes, The Washington Post said, that “People need to serve each other, and serve their communities, distinguish themselves by social activism.” But how good a communitarian is Bill Clinton?
Recently, an FBI employee was severely reprimanded for using an FBI car to transport a civilian. He had spotted his son, stranded in the family’s broken-down car alongside the highway and had given him a lift to school – seven blocks out of his way.
“What is Communitarianism?” we are frequently asked. We are a social movement aiming at shoring up the moral, social and political environment. Part change of heart, part renewal of social bonds, part reform of public life.
“If you’re looking for a label for the new administration in Washington - something other than ‘liberal’ or ‘moderate’ - try ‘communitarian.’” a USA Today article suggests. Indeed, President Clinton often speaks in communitarian terms: “if we have no sense of community, the American dream will continue to wither.” Likewise, Vice President Albert Gore Jr. has echoed a communitarian theme: “while we give supreme value to the rights of the individual, we expect that freedom to be exercised with respect toward others and with decent restraint.”
Once upon a time, in the far away age of 1991, the President and Congress could cut a deal, and the public would grumblingly acquiesce. Political observers commiserated about voter apathy. Now that the Larry Kings of radio, the call-us-800-numbers, and populists Clinton and Perot have re-engaged the public, our political leaders must learn to dance with an eight hundred pound gorilla. It has already pushed Zoe Baird off the dance floor; it has had a major say about whether or not gays are going to be allowed to participate; and it is now wondering if it should fall in step with the Administration's ideas about deficit reduction.
The author argues that when commissions do include in their analyses major social and political forces that will affect the implications of their recommendations, their work is incomplete.
You work in a corporate division that processes medical reimbursements. You note that John is going through a new bout of alcoholism. He drives an 18-wheeler for your company. Do you tell the boss?
The applications of 35 neighborhoods for permission to erect gates at public streets running through their communities are currently pending in the Los Angeles City Council. Many of these applications predate the riots; they were submitted in response to a sharp increase in crime.
If you want a premonition of what the Clinton administration is going to be like, watch how he deals with the first interest group that accosts him. You will not have to wait long. Representatives of interest groups are already lining up, six lobbyists deep, in the corridors of Congress, to ensure that no Clinton (or any other) initiative will be passed without their exacting a few pounds of flesh.
President-elect Clinton inherits severe economic problems along two fronts--growth and deficits. During his campaign, he built a mandate for public efforts to restart the engine of economic growth and put America back to work. We believe that he should begin immediately to build a parallel mandate for eliminating the federal budget deficit by the end of his second term.
Some social conservatives, such as the Rev. Pat Robertson, label the Democrats anti-family and claim they do not believe in God, would not oppose an abortion for a 13-year-old-girl, and would allow gay marriages. Some liberals counter that it is the Republicans who are anti-family, pointing to President Bush’s veto of legislation that would have required companies above a certain size to provide unpaid leave for parents. They also claim that his Administration has not provided enough funds for child care or improved the economy enough to keep children from sinking deeper into poverty.
Communitarian ideas have been around at least since the days of the Old Testament. In the modern era, they have played an important role in a variety of social movements ranging from the social democrats to the environmentalists.
The secretary of an executive at Donallco, a California corporation, reported that when she scheduled her boss to fly on an airline, he told her to change the reservation.
The recent flurry of exchanges between contemporary liberal philosophers and their communitarian critics points to a theoretical middle ground, directly relevant to economics.
One is a lone scoundrel. Two are a couple of rotten apples. But when a whole slew of companies in an industry are caught up in highly questionable - if not criminal - acts, we should reform the system and not just those caught up in it.
We have become so insensitive to what it takes to sustain families that when our policy-makers finally come up with a proposal that they claim is “pro-family,” it actually undermines the foundations of the family.
Before the press gobbles up the next public figure in what is aptly called a "feeding frenzy," before we throw another individual into the lions' den- a.k.a. the Senate confirmation process--we need to consider the idea of a popularly accepted statute of limitations for moral transgressions.
A sociological prize ought to be awarded to the member of a TV audience who, during a show about the S&L mess, exclaimed: “The taxpayers shouldn’t pay for this; the government should!” He expressed well a major theme of contemporary American civic culture: a strong sense of entitlement and a weak sense of obligation to the community. Americans hold dear the right to be tried by a jury of their peers; but when asked to serve on such juries, most do their damnedest to evade the call. Most Americans cheered our show of force in the Gulf, but very few wish to serve in the armed forces or have their children sign up.
A liberal friend scratched me off his cock-tail party guest list.
If you are thinking of starting a quarterly publication, lie down until the urge goes away. I did not; I am still standing, but barely. The economic, social, and intellectual curve balls that I have had to field in the past I would not wish on my least favorite people.
Frictions-psychological, sociological, political-is a major social science variable. During changes, friction is high. The post-communist transition from command economics to freer ones vividly highlights the perils of ignoring this basic factor.
Americans have recently called for more government services, but showed greater opposition to new taxes; the express their willingness to show the flag anywhere from Central America to the Gulf, but many are reluctant to serve in the armed forces; and they have a firm sense that one ought to have the right to be tried before a jury of one’s peers, but evade serving on such juries.
Socioeconomists should not act like shoemakers who have no time to make shoes for themselves.
The moaning and groaning coming from American corporations seems excessive. It has been going on since well before the United States Sentencing Commission presented its recommendations on penalties for corporate crime to Congress last week, and it may even accelerate while Congress studies the report.
A subtle change is taking place in Washington, and this time it is for the better: confressional leaders are reportedly moving to return to the days when the private affairs of members of the House and Senate were considered their personal matters.
Among the least reported results of last November’s elections - and one that is only now coming into effect - was the insistence by voters of the District of Columbia that residents of the city’s homeless shelters attend rehabilitative programs, work, and save for their future housing.
During last year’s Senate hearings on the Keating scandal, Sen. Alan Cranston accused his colleagues of “sheer hypocrisy” for bringing him up on charges, correctly implying that many of his fellow politicians could easily have been lined up right next to him.
For several years, on many fronts, champions of greater responsibility to the community have become something of a new force in American life. They think of themselves as “communitarians,” though so far there is no registry of communitarians and no formal association. Nevertheless, their influence is real enough, and so are their objectives: to evolve public policies, moral norms, and regulatory guidelines that will correct what they perceive as excessive, “radical” individualism.
In recent years the USA economy has exhibited signs of becoming a member of a category of economy best termed underdeveloping.
A point of contention between two groups of social scientists has surprisingly significant ramifications for the moral quality of our economic life.
The state of Oregon is proposing to lead the nation in rationing health care - by denying services to the poor.
Soon a corporation could be sentenced to do community work, be put on probation, and pay fines.
A fair number of social scientists are attempting to develop a new paradigm that will expand the range of sociological, psychological, and institutional factors included in the analyeis of economic behavior, above and beyond the variables typically covered by the neoclassical economic paradigm.
A major employer reports that about half of its recent job applicants did not meet any of the corporation’s low-level qualifications, including “light typing.”
The business community is up in arms about attempts to toughen the penalties for corporations that violate the law. In April, business leaders successfully pressured the White House and, through it, the Department of Justice to hold back the U.S. Sentencing Commission, which was about to recommend guidelines that would have required stiff fines - up to hundreds of millions of dollars per offense - for convicted corporations.
No government agency is more adept at public relations that the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA).
Many of my colleagues on campus and in the media scoff at the American people. Even those who are neither liberal nor Democratic sneer at Americans’ excessive preoccupation with appearances rather than substance, with symbols rather than issues. Actually, the people have spoken clearly in favor of a constitutional reform: They want a system like Britain’s.
After a lifelong affiliation with the Democratic Party and its ideals, I am packing. And I am not alone.
Behavioural economics provides unusually robust data that show that people have hard- wired, systematic cognitive biases that greatly limit their intellectual capabilities.
Addressing a Unitarian group in a ritzy suburb, I found liberals and moderate conservatives (or progressives) quite keen to discuss the plight of the homeless, the American poor, the starving in Africa, and the beleaguered Nicaraguans.
Though there is wide agreement among political scientists that separation of political and socio-economic statuses is necessary for the functioning of democracy, wide disagreement exists over the extent to which political statuses in the United States differ from socio-economic ones.
The policy advisers surrounding Michael Dukakis and George Bush are focused on the wrong economic policy goals, emphasizing deficit reductions instead of higher economic growth with little inflation.
CAMBRIDGE, Mass----Will nobody ever again own up to his transgressions and take the punishment like a person of character, setting a much-needed example?
There is a rather reliable: relatively easy way to improve your bottom line which most MBAs fail to mention and your economic consultants are unlikely to recommend: Call on the government.
Jimmy Carter, where are you now that we need you? What we need now is a re-rendering of your “malaise” speech. Maybe a whole series of them. We are discovering, on the domestic front, that feeling good is not enough.
Rhis paper reasseses the original data of Stigler and Friedland's influential 1962 article on the effects of regulation, which studied U.S. electricity rates in the early 1900's.
This research note addresses the debate as to whether tax evasion results from increased tax rates and economic incentives-as many economists claim-or from other factors as well, specifically taxpayers' perceptions that taxes are unfair.
An article on mixed scanning as a "third" approach to decision making, published in Public Administration Review, generated a steady stream of discussion, but little empirical research.
When I accepted a professorship at The George Washington University in 1980, several of my colleagues wondered: "Leaving Columbia University - to move to Washington?"
The effects of interest groups are not always readily visible because extensice, deliberate efforts are made to conceal them.
Three additions are suggested to the study of interest groups and their role in a democracy.
The Democratic Party desperately needs a unifying and mobilizing theme – something that has eluded it ever since the Great Society ran out of public support. We will not find such a theme until we learn the difference between style and substance – and start to think more clearly about what really concerns the American people.
From half a dozen Democratic study groups, caucuses, a think tank, and-more indirectly-from statements by several Democratic presidential hopefuls, a new theme is rising: industrial policy.
“Vocational education is not a priority,” lamented Richard Arnold, division manager of the Community Educational Relations Department of AT&T.
In July 1979, a New York Times reporter called the White House press office with what seemed at first a routine query.
A computerized comprehensive management tracking system for the President of the United States was created.
IT'S TIME WE APPLY to politicians a notion they fondly embrace when dealing with criminal members of other occupational groups: Let's be a bit less concerned with the rights of the criminals and more worried about the rights of the victims. Let's be a bit less concerned with the exact ways corruption of elected public officials is uncovered -- and much more concerned with reducing corruption in public life.
Most efforts to combat fraud and abuse have relied on a punitive-deterrent approach, assuming that higher penalties and stricter enforcemeni will both punish present offenders and deter potential ones.
If there is one subject which divided political scientists and the public, it is interest groups.
The call for a constitutional amendment to balance the budget reminds me of those defeated people who, having utterly failed to control their calorie intake, have their jaws wired shut. This act of desperation is an open admission of their inability to control their impulses. For a handful of individuals to give up on moderating their eating may be pitiful, but for a nation to go so far toward despair of its public institutions is acutely disturbing.
"Give me a strong leader" is the number one theme of the current election campaign. From Kennedy to Connally, from Brown to Reagan, Carter has been charged with lack of leadership.
“Can’t we have both social progress and economic progress?” I have often been asked when discussing the conflict in contemporary America between those who seek a quality-of-life society and ;hose who favor rededication to economic growth with groups ranging from industry and labor union leaders to community college students. Cannot America develop new energy). Sources, increase productivity, keep consumer products flowing, and use this country’s growing wealth to purchase an environment, a workplace, and consumer products that are healthier and safer? Cannot America both keep its economy groning and enhance harmony with others, within self, and with nature.
"The Morality of School Experience," in Louis Rubin (ed.), Critical Issues in Educational Policy (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1980), pp. 382-396.
Most policy-makers view poverty as akin to a stagnant pool which may be slowly drained as each individual or family trapped there is helped to climb out.
I do not know who started it, but in 1972 the Federal Bureau of Investigation conducted a lengthy inquiry into my past. Someone had charged that "Etzioni had made statements critical of the United States' foreign policy, that he had defended the position of Red China and the Soviet Union, and had made unwarranted accusations against the military and intelligence organizations of the United States."
Oddly, President-elect Carter's promise for a strong energy policy- which we surely need- may be our next Vietman.
Among those anticipating, promoting, participating in and benefiting from the past few years' shift to the right in the national mood is a group of social observers and essayist who are coming to be called "neocoservatives."
Will the new President seek to turn the nation into a Swedenized America, or will he be content to backpaddle toward some lesser form of welfare state?
Among the curses afflicting mental patients. disabled persons, children and the aged-in short society’s weakest and most vulnerable members are the vicissitudes of fashion in public policy.
The president elected this year could put shoring up America's ethic in a high place on the nation's agenda.
Come inauguration day, as far as one can foresee, the next President will not be preoccupied by a war, a core-up or a recession, the three major immediate sources of the nation's self-doubt, loss of direction and crisis of confidence.
An anthropologist from the Chukehoe tribe, reporting to his people in the Siberian tundra about American practiccs, probably would describe our shamanism as inferior.
Large segments of the American people unhesitatingly reject the Constitution of the United States.
The philosophy which underlies President Nixon's domestic efforts in his first term in office is now evident.
Cable TV has been in existence for at least two decades.
Recent decisions to open admission to somc of our institutions of higher learning is one which will have pervasive effects on thc next generation of Americans, the economy, the culture of this society, the quality of its sciences, as well as its humnnities, and the extent to which social justice will be realized.
“Punishment for the Universities–Starvation” Newsday (October 26, 1970).
I live in a district of middle-class professionals that elected a liberal, William F. Ryan, to Congress; and, while I know no one personally who has lost a son in the war, I do have fine nieghbors who have recently been mugged and beaten, on their apartments have been burglarized.
A wealth of solutions to poverty have been proposed, with little understanding of the forces required to turn a sound idea into an "implementable" program.
President Nixon's income maintenance plan would add an estimated $4 billion a year to the welfare bills on the nation's taxpayers.
Reluctantly, liberal Democrat that I am, I must admit that the Nixon Administration has come up with a rather good idea.
Despite repeated publication of the relevant statistics, many Americans still believe the War on Poverty merely represents a wasteful expenditure of government funds.
The study of the conditions under which a just and stable peace can be achieved constitutes the main core of contemporary analysesof international relations; hence, the following discussion focuses on the issues and problems in applying social psychology to the prevention of war.
On Sept. 26, 1968 - the date is important - Secretary of Defense Clark M. Clifford declared that he was mobilizing the resources of the defense establishment in a determined attack on some of the nations basic domestic problems.
The man moving into the White House next January will be mistaken if he assumes it is merely the Left, students, and intellectuals who are deeply alienated from the American political system.
Over the next twenty years, the United States will be brought, in one way or another, to attend more fully to its mounting social problems.
It was during last spring's student demonstration at Columbia University that, for the first time in 10 years, I became involved in university committee work, which I loathe. It really caught up with me; I ended by chairing a "reform" committee and spending at least 130 hours--in one month--meeting with students and colleagues at Columbia, almost a full-time job. I never realized that revolutions involve so much talk.
Using various techniques developed as a result of fertility research, scientists are experimenting with the possibility of sex control, the ability to determine whether the newborn infant will be a
On the face of it, the report of the President’s Commission on Civil Disorders should be warmly applauded by any citizen who is concerned with civiI rights, social justice, and the welfare of their country.
As these lines go to press, the President’s National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders is expected to hand in its report on March 1, 1968, a shrot six months after it was instituted and a full and months before it was initially expected to complete its work.
An important question arose recently during a congressional hearing about "The Full Opportunity and Social Accounting Act" an act in which the United States is to review annually the "health" of Am
The response of most faculty members to the mounting drive for black studies programs is not surprisingly marked by confusion.
During the next twenty years, the United States will be brought, in one way or another, to attend more fully to its mounting social problems.
More and bloodier riots may be expected in American cities over the next several years.
The pattern of events between June 10 and November 22, 1963, provided a partial test of a theory of international relations.
“Toward a Sociological Theory of Peace,” in Llewellyn Gross (ed.), Sociological Theory: Inquiries and Paradigms (New York: Harper and Row, 1967), pp. 267-293.
It is now almost ten years since Senator McCarthy's death, but his impact on American society has far from disappeared.
Harnessed nuclear fission can provide humankind with bountiful, inexpensive energy to serve a large number and variety of goals from the desalinization of oceans and the watering of deserts to the melting of polar ice and traveling in outerspace.
This article presents an analysis of an important issue of national policy: the guidance of science.
Until recently, appropriations for scientific and technological projects were granted by Congress with surprisingly little scrutiny.
It is becoming commonplace to state that a Western strategy that assumes or seeks to foster a bi-polar world is obsolescent.
“America in a Pluralistic World,” in Hans J. Morgenthau (ed.), The Crossroad Papers: A Look into the American Future (New York: Norton, 1965), pp. 184-195.
It was a warm afternoon in June 1963; the Senate Committee on Aeronautical and Space Sciences was listening to a distinguished American scientist's testimony on the merits of our space program.
The concentration of federal Research and Development in defense and space activities, contrary to popular belief, does not act as a stimulant to economic growth and does not cffectively provide work for unemployed people and resources.
There is room for unilateral action to improve international relations in areas other than nuclear test bans, the cessation of bomb production, or general disarmament.
The ideal of service to the public prevails. In our society, it is derived in the main from the ideal of the maximum happiness of the greatest number. By definition, public services are assumed to have been established in order to supply services to the public.